The Ragusan (dubrovnik) Republic and the Spanish War of Succession (1701-1714)

The hostilities between the Ottoman Empire and the Holy League (1683-99) were resolved in 1699 by the signing of the Treaty of Kar­ lovci (Carlowitz), which contributed to the settlement of a number of contro­ versial international issues. These newly-created conditions in Western Eu­ rope, known as the Spanish War of Succession (1701-1714), had an impact on the small Republic of Dubrovnik. Balancing itself between opposing pow­ ers France and the Kingdom of Naples on one side, and Austria with the Senj Uscocs on the other Ragusa's delicate position, if neutral, was often imperilled. Despite being on the very verge of conflict, the Republic managed to maintain its integrity and sovereignty. After the Treaty of Carlowitz of 1699, The Republic of Dubrovnik was to settle several controversial issues (demarcation with Venice, payment of trib­ ute to Turkey, tax charges within the Ottoman Empire, impost to Austria for the patronage and the resident in Dubrovnik). The survival of the small Re­ public of Dubrovnik depended also on its ability to cope with the coming Miljenko Foretić, member of the Institute for Historical Sciences of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Dubrovnik. Address: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU, Lapadska obala 6, 20000 Dubrovnik, Croatia. A longer version of this article has already been published in Croatian under the following title: »Dubrovačka Republika i rat za španjolsku baštinu 1701 -1714.« Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku 31 (1993): pp. 71-117. 3 0 Dubrovnik Annals 2 (1998) circumstances in Western Europe, known as the Spanish War of Succession (1701-1714). Spain found itself in the storm of diverse interests which culminated in the death of the last Habsburg on the Spanish throne, King Charles II in 1700. The new successor to the throne was to be appointed. These dynastic contro­ versies surpassed mere state matters, and aroused great attention in a number of European countries, France and Austria in particular, as they were both directly concerned. With the intention of expelling its old rivals out the Pyr­ enees Peninsula and in accordance with the King's will, France produced its candidate to the throne, Philip d'Anjou, the grandson of Louis XIV. Supported by its allies, England and the Netherlands, adherents of the policy of Euro­ pean balance of power, Austria considered its claim to the Spanish throne justifiable. The initial skinnishes made for a war which divided the diversely motivated western states into two confronting blocks. This conflict involved states whose affairs had direct impact on the wel­ fare of Ragusa. Although this south-eastern Adriatic Republic made an ef­ fort to remain neutral as in similar previous occasions, this time it was forced to meet the demands of the warring parties. The Adriatic region gained on its geopolitical value and the Republic was faced with unexpected problems. Similar situations had occurred before, each having specific features, as was also the case with European wars throughout the eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries. This time more than just pure diplomatic games were in question. The problem was deeply rooted in the Republic's economy and public life. These facts fully justify the prime research of this subject with the intent to distinguish the features constantly recurring throughout the modern history of the Republic of Dubrovnik, 1 The bibliography on the subject of the Spanish War of Succession is voluminous. I shall produce only a few titles: Arthur Parnell, The Spanish War of Succession. London, 1892; Henry Kamen, The War of Succession in Spain 1700-15. Bloomington-London: Indiana University Press, 1969; R. Kohan, The War of Succession in Spain, 1701-1715. New York, 1977; Cfr. Arnold Gaedeke, Die Politik Osterreichs in der spanischen Erbfolgefrage, 2 Bde. Leipzig: Verlag von Dunckler & Humblot, 1877; Arsene Legrelle, La diplomatic francaise et la succession d'Espagne, II-III. Paris: F. Pichon Libraire du Conseil d' Etat, 1888; for the events at the Adriatic see Heinrich Ritter von Srbik, »Adriapolitik unter Kaiser Leopold I.« Mitteihmgen des Osterreichischen Geschichlsinstitut 17 (1947): pp. 610-657. 2 For sources pertaining to the attitude of the Republic of Dubrovnik towards the Spanish War of Succession see Vladimir Košćak, »Posljednje razdoblje Dubrovačke Republike.« Forum 15/10-11 (1976): pp. 674-675; and Vinko Foretić, Povijest Dubrovnika do 1808, II. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, 1980: pp. 199-200. M. Foretić, The Ragusan (Dubrovnik) Republic and the Spanish War of Succession... 3 1 In order to convey a better understanding of this important episode in the history of Europe and Dubrovnik, a general survey of the basic facts on the old city and its territory will be presented. The 1667 earthquake, its consequences and the general political moment determined Ragusa's further life. All social classes, including the nobility, were involved in restoring its vitality in spite of considerable devastation at the end of the seventeenth and the early part of the eighteenth centuries. Al­ though poverty-stricken and directly threatened by powerful states, the Re­ public managed to save and preserve its independence. Owing to the skill, ability and adequate judgement of its citizens and government, the crisis was surmounted in an utmost pragmatic way. The international position and treatment of Dubrovnik was directly induced by the great war of the Holy League against Turkey (1683-1699). A number of powerful European states, with which the Republic had various contacts or even adjoining territories, were involved in this conflict. Venice, Ragusa's traditional rival, blockaded its neighbour from land and sea in an attempt to obstruct its commercial intercourse with the Turkish hinterland. Venice's ef­ forts to subdue Dubrovnik and impel it to recognize its sovereignty remained fruitless. So did Venice's intentions to preserve the occupied domains in Herzegovina after the war in order to keep the Republic surrounded. Unable to cope with the new state of world affairs, Serenissima insisted on trade links with the East, which had contributed to the gross of its wealth. Its status underwent dramatic changes, and the power of Venice was gradually de­ clining. In such circumstances the Republic of Venice emphasized its domi­ nium maris over the Adriatic, and the Dubrovnik Senate had to keep it in mind throughout the eighteenth century. Turkey occupied much an impor­ tant position in Ragusa's affairs. Hardly had a violent earthquake abated when Dubrovnik was seriously threatened by Turkey, which it neighboured and was tribute-obliged. The Ragusan diplomats masterfully dribbled in order to miti­ gate growing Turkish aspirations and blackmail. Furthermore, the resourceful senators succeeded in decreasing the exhaustive taxes by 1695 and definitely settling the dispute in 1703 in the form of a triennial tribute instead of the previous annual one. The remainder of the Ragusan colonies in the Balkans saw the complete downfall during the war whereas Bosnia and Herzegovina remained as a potential exporter and importer via the Dubrovnik port. The Republic made an outstanding effort to preserve the leading position of its port on the Adriatic coast from Split to Durres and to attract Bosnian and 32 Dubrovnik Annals 2 (1998) Herzegovinian traders. The Republic fiercely struggled for the monopoly and with a result, despite the hypocrisy of the local Turkish authorities. With the Treaty of Carlowitz, Turkey acquired two enclaves, Neum and Sutorina, as confirmed by the Treaty of Passarowitz in 1718. This act separated the territories of the Republic and Venice in Dalmatia. The Ragusans foresaw the coming changes in the Balkans, the Mediterranean and Western Europe. Still, the general situation and the new historical processes halted progress; in other words, Dubrovnik no longer represented an attractive emporium between the East and the West. Under these new conditions, Dubrovnik turned to Austria, which showed considerable interest in the vast Turkish territories in the Balkans, spreading its impact over the north Adriatic. Deeply impressed by the Austrian victories, the senators were almost convinced that the Habsburgs would acquire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia and Hungary. Dubrovnik would undergo true transformations and become the mart of the hinterland. Having that in mind, the Republic signed a treaty with the Austrian ruler, German Emperor and Croato-Hungarian King Leopold I, in Vienna in 1684. This agreement factually renewed the 1358 Višegrad agreement on the patronage of the Croato-Hungarian Kingdom and recognition of the supreme protection of the Habsburg monarchy. It was not until the end of the war that the treaty was to be realized, but owing to adverse conditions it never saw its fulfilment. Still, this act remained valid and employed in Ragusan foreign policy of the eighteenth century as it was called upon in numerous critical situations. At the same time, the Republic opened its consulate in Rijeka in 1690, rightfully judging the significance of this town and the region for the well-being of Dubrovnik. Rijeka was soon to become an unavoidable link between Ragusa and Austria. Direct and close relations with Spain, especially in the course of the sixteenth century with the "Catholic king" supporting Ragusan economy, freedom and independence, with Dubrovnik seamen sailing under the Spanish flag, were almost brought to a standstill toward the close of the eighteenth century. The importance of the Spanish governed Kingdom of Naples for the welfare of Dubrovnik (trade exchange, investments, rents, food import, cereals in particular) required cautious tending. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, ties between Dubrovnik and France could be characterized as reserved. Antagonistic commercial interests in the Mediterranean, Levant, and the Balkan region aroused conflicts. France was in persistant search of prosperous commercial markets in the M. Foretić, The Ragusan (Dubrovnik) Republic and tHe Spanish War of Succession... 3 3 Ottoman Empire with a resultant rise. By opening a consulate in Salonika in 1685 and in other Balkan cities, with the already existing ones in Durres and Dubrovnik, France worked hard on building up its diplomatic network. France was granted trade privileges in Turkey, with Dubrovnik serving as a con­ venient transit market. The French insisted on exercising these privileges, considering the Republic an extension of Turkish territory. The Ragusan au­ thorities defended their independent integrity and eliminated French influ­ ence in the city itself. During the Spanish War of Succession these conflicts culminated, and they continued so throughout the eighteenth century. The foreign affairs of the Republic were cautiously supervised by the state authorities, whereas domestic affairs were subject to scrutinizing control in the post-earthquake period. The supervision was exercized through a number of acts and laws in order to strengthen the organization of the vital segments. A new mercantilistic spirit based on profitable foreign trade was warmly welcomed in Dubrovnik and developed in the best possible manner, keeping pace with other European countries. These acts dealt with fiscal issues, pro­ tectionism, state monopoly, a customs and tax system, interventionism, etc. The authorities endeavoured to revitalize the decayed Republic, but the early eighteenth century did not seem to be the appropriate moment for this. Goods in transit were handled by the Dubrovnik port, once the main source of in­ come, which proved to be insufficient. Maritime trade, the most lucrative branch of commerce, suffered a rapid decline, a trend which was speeded up by the earthquake. Europe, flaming in wars and-generally unfavourable con­ ditions, had direct and indirect impact on Ragusa's well-being. The govern3 Josip Lučić, »Društveni odnosi u Dubrovačkoj Republici od 16. do 19. stoljeća.« In: Društveni razvoj u Hrvatskoj od 16. do početka 20. stoljeća, ed. Mirjana Gross, Zagreb: SN Liber, 1981: pp. 153-173; Ilija Mitić, Konzulati i konzularna služba starog Dubrovnika. Dubrovnik: Historijski institut JAZU, 1973; Vuk Vinaver, Turska i Dubrovnik u XVIII veku. Beograd: SANU, 1960; Ilija Mitić, »Prilog proučavanju odnosa Dubrovnika i Venecije u XVII i XVIII stoljeću.« Anali Historijskog odjela Centra za znanstveni rad JAZU u Dubrovniku 13-14 (1976): pp. 117141; Ilija Mitić, »O političko-ekonomskim vezama između Dubrovačke Republike i Napulja.« Pomorski zbornik 7 (1969): pp. 485-505; Miljenko Foretić, »Dubrovnik u vrijeme austrijsko-turskog rata (1736-1739).« Anali Zavoda za povijesne znanosti 1C JAZU u Dubrovniku 21 (1985): pp. 3973; Ivan Krstitelj Švrljuga, »Prinosi k diplomatskim odnošajima Dubrovnika s Francezkom.« Starine JAZU 14 (1882): pp. 58-79; Lujo Vojnović, La Monarchic Francaise dans I'Adriatiqiie (Histoire des relations de la France avec la Republique de Raguse 1667-1789), Paris-Barcelona: Bloud et Gay, 1917; Mirko Deanović, »Anciens contacts entre la France et Raguse.« Annales de l'Institut franipais de Zagreb 24-25 (1944): pp. 1-39, and 26-27 (1945): pp. 41-110, reprinted in The Bridge, Journal of Croatian Literature 3-4 (1992). For recent literature on the subject see Miljenko Foretić, »Historiografija o Dubrovačkoj Republici 1975-1985.« Historijski zbornik 43 (1990): pp. 317-363. 34 Dubrovnik Annals 2 (1998) ment and the citizens alike were well aware of the actual position of their homeland (its territory, population, geopolitical position, and state of economy, the presence of super powers and their neighbours). This resulted in a highly cautious policy and diplomacy, keeping a jealous eye on its peace and neu­ trality. Patriotism and solidarity were deeply implanted in all social classes. Whereas powerful European states considered war a convenient means for expanding interests, influence and building up international relations, Dub­ rovnik saw the very opposite.